The Cold War-era quid pro quo of the US providing costly security assistance to its NATO allies in order to enable them to concentrate more fully on building their utopian welfare states is no longer relevant because of the changing nature of geopolitics and the rise of asymmetrical threats, though Clinton, Bush, and Obama perpetuated this state of affairs because it advanced the Liberal-Globalist model that all three of them were pursuing at the expense of average Americans.
In 1940, the German Wehrmacht was modern history’s supreme fighting machine. But only four years later, the Wehrmacht was broken. Most Americans, British and Canadians believe that D-Day was the decisive stroke that ended WWII in Europe. But this is not true. Germany’s mighty Wehrmacht, which included the Luftwaffe, was destroyed by Stalin’s Soviet Union.
The Future Of UK Government’s Domestic And External Security Cooperation After Brexit: No Partners In Crime?
The post-Brexit UK will witness a sudden decline in intelligence partnerships and intelligence engagements which could potentially challenge the domestic and external safety and security of the nation particularly in the light of rise in lone wolf attacks, influx of refugees, rise of Islamic fundamentalism and vehicular borne incidents.
The time of Macedonization of Macedonia by the creation of Macedonian regional feelings, which after the WWII became transformed into the ethnonational consciousness, was also the time of the struggle over Macedonia between Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia.
This is why the ones who are now so fervently preaching about “shared values” and “Western unity” when faced with the treachery of those natural-gas pipelines and that Eurasian trade route are actually demanding that Europe do itself a disservice by remaining deferential.
Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean Sea Area In Global Security During And After The Cold War (1949-1989)
TheMediterranean Sea is one of the key strategic points of interest for the NATO from the creation of this military organization in 1949 during the Cold War in order to challenge the real or potential threats for its security. Within a global concept of the NATO security system, Turkey, Greece and Italy compose a sub-system of countries which belong to its “Southern Wing”.
Contrary to appearances, Libya’s problem is not so much the rivalry between its leaders as the absence of pacification between tribes and the exclusion of Kadhafists. The solution can only be negotiated between the four leaders united in Paris, but only within and around the House of Representatives of Tobruk, whose authority now covers 80 % of the territory.
The Yugoslav post-1945 policy of the recognition of Slavo-Macedonians as a separate ethnolinguistic entity was extremely important for the creation of the separate political unit of Macedonia within the Yugoslav federation. After 1945 Yugoslav authorities claimed that the Macedonian diaspora living outside of Yugoslavia has to be incorporated into the “motherland” – a Yugoslav Macedonia.
The “Idea of Union” in a single national state had deep roots in the historical development of political ideas among the South Slavs. This idea had several stages of development and the features of expression but, basically, the supporters of the “Idea of Union” primarily understood the Serbo-Croatian cultural, national and political cooperation, reciprocity, solidarity and finally unification as a “backbone” of any kind of a South Slavic state’s organization.
Nord Stream II is thus a double-edged sword for the US because it would cut into its profitable LNG business but would at the same time provide the strategic pretext for “legitimizing” its expanded presence in Poland and the Baltics.
Assessing the grand strategic implications if a US base in Poland leads to Washington accepting the Chinese-built Balkan Silk Road’s possible expansion to Warsaw one day, this would clearly result in serious long-term losses for Germany and Russia while being a major victory for the US and China.
There were many variations of the project of the unification of the South Slavic or Yugoslav lands towards the end of the 19th century. However, in all of such projects of a Greater Yugoslavia, Serbia was seen as a Yugoslav Piedmont with Belgrade as the “Serbian Bismarckism”.