Inadvertently, NATO drew attention to its anti-democratic expansion between the two Cold Wars by behaving so arrogantly after the failed Macedonian referendum. The bloc has no practical reason to admit Macedonia other than to send a message to Russia, Serbia, and even its own fellow members about its continued “relevancy”.
Merkel’s actual meddling serves the purpose of signaling to the post-Color Revolution Macedonian authorities that Germany – and therefore the entire EU – won’t contest the results if the “yes” vote wins amid loud accusations of fraud.
The “politically correct” police state that’s forming in the Republic of Macedonia is therefore a dystopian nightmare of epic proportions that might eventually spread to other countries in the coming years if the EU weaponizes this model as a means for systematically deconstructing their national identities prior to incorporating them into a “federation of regions” to replace the existing union of nation-states.
During J. B. Tito’s rule (1945−1980), Macedonian nationalism had always been controlled by the central government but after his death in 1980 the control was gradually loosened and Macedonian nationalism started to flourish as all other nationalist sentiments within the whole country. A new independent Balkan state as a neighbor to Greece from the very beginning provoked hostile political and economic sanctions by Athens from 1991 to 1993.
The time of Macedonization of Macedonia by the creation of Macedonian regional feelings, which after the WWII became transformed into the ethnonational consciousness, was also the time of the struggle over Macedonia between Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia.
The Yugoslav post-1945 policy of the recognition of Slavo-Macedonians as a separate ethnolinguistic entity was extremely important for the creation of the separate political unit of Macedonia within the Yugoslav federation. After 1945 Yugoslav authorities claimed that the Macedonian diaspora living outside of Yugoslavia has to be incorporated into the “motherland” – a Yugoslav Macedonia.
The “Idea of Union” in a single national state had deep roots in the historical development of political ideas among the South Slavs. This idea had several stages of development and the features of expression but, basically, the supporters of the “Idea of Union” primarily understood the Serbo-Croatian cultural, national and political cooperation, reciprocity, solidarity and finally unification as a “backbone” of any kind of a South Slavic state’s organization.
There were many variations of the project of the unification of the South Slavic or Yugoslav lands towards the end of the 19th century. However, in all of such projects of a Greater Yugoslavia, Serbia was seen as a Yugoslav Piedmont with Belgrade as the “Serbian Bismarckism”.
In the modern history of the Balkans as a result of the national liberation movements and national liberation wars, important changes took place in the life of the Vlachs since the free migration across the peninsula was impossible because of the new state borders and cross-border restrictions.
The territory of geographical-historical Macedonia has been for the last 150 years one of the focal apples of discord in South-East Europe. A stable prosperous country of Macedonia, however, can serve in the future as a bridge between all of her four neighbors under one condition: to relinquish its territorial irredentism.
The present-day Macedonians are the Slavs who to a certain degree assimilated pre-Slavic population of Macedonia but borrowed the ancient name of the settled land Macedonia as their new national one.
Latest Vucic’s talks with the US could amount to a territorial swap whereby the northern Serbian-populated regions of the breakaway province are returned to Belgrade in exchange for the remaining Albanian-inhabited majority of the territory being de-facto recognized by the government as an “independent state”.
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