Part I Toward the Albanian nation-state The Albanian people, already faced with major difficulties in the process of building a modern (European) society, were even more affected by the division in the spiritual, political, confessional, and cultural aspects. During the period of the Albanian national movement – Rilindja, 1878−1912 – […]
The concept of Megali Idea in the foreign policy of Greece left to be only on the paper with no real hope to be implemented in the reality anymore regardless on the fact that still up today Greek political culture is much ideologically imbued.
Similarly to Serbia after October 2000, a new post-revolution Macedonian Government was expected by its Western sponsors to transform Macedonia into another client state of the post-Cold War NATO’s World Order. The current political post-referendum stalemate in Macedonia can be solved according to the recipe of Kosovization with the ethnic Albanians as the main actors.
Inadvertently, NATO drew attention to its anti-democratic expansion between the two Cold Wars by behaving so arrogantly after the failed Macedonian referendum. The bloc has no practical reason to admit Macedonia other than to send a message to Russia, Serbia, and even its own fellow members about its continued “relevancy”.
Merkel’s actual meddling serves the purpose of signaling to the post-Color Revolution Macedonian authorities that Germany – and therefore the entire EU – won’t contest the results if the “yes” vote wins amid loud accusations of fraud.
The “politically correct” police state that’s forming in the Republic of Macedonia is therefore a dystopian nightmare of epic proportions that might eventually spread to other countries in the coming years if the EU weaponizes this model as a means for systematically deconstructing their national identities prior to incorporating them into a “federation of regions” to replace the existing union of nation-states.
During J. B. Tito’s rule (1945−1980), Macedonian nationalism had always been controlled by the central government but after his death in 1980 the control was gradually loosened and Macedonian nationalism started to flourish as all other nationalist sentiments within the whole country. A new independent Balkan state as a neighbor to Greece from the very beginning provoked hostile political and economic sanctions by Athens from 1991 to 1993.
The time of Macedonization of Macedonia by the creation of Macedonian regional feelings, which after the WWII became transformed into the ethnonational consciousness, was also the time of the struggle over Macedonia between Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia.
The Yugoslav post-1945 policy of the recognition of Slavo-Macedonians as a separate ethnolinguistic entity was extremely important for the creation of the separate political unit of Macedonia within the Yugoslav federation. After 1945 Yugoslav authorities claimed that the Macedonian diaspora living outside of Yugoslavia has to be incorporated into the “motherland” – a Yugoslav Macedonia.
The “Idea of Union” in a single national state had deep roots in the historical development of political ideas among the South Slavs. This idea had several stages of development and the features of expression but, basically, the supporters of the “Idea of Union” primarily understood the Serbo-Croatian cultural, national and political cooperation, reciprocity, solidarity and finally unification as a “backbone” of any kind of a South Slavic state’s organization.
There were many variations of the project of the unification of the South Slavic or Yugoslav lands towards the end of the 19th century. However, in all of such projects of a Greater Yugoslavia, Serbia was seen as a Yugoslav Piedmont with Belgrade as the “Serbian Bismarckism”.
In the modern history of the Balkans as a result of the national liberation movements and national liberation wars, important changes took place in the life of the Vlachs since the free migration across the peninsula was impossible because of the new state borders and cross-border restrictions.
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Andrew KORYBKO 
Binoy KAMPMARK 
Vladislav B. SOTIROVIC 
Thierry MEYSSAN 
Fr. Stephen FREEMAN 
Eric MARGOLIS 
Leonid SAVIN 
Fr. Lawrence FARLEY 
Zamir AWAN 
Nikolay STARIKOV 
Vladimir KOZIN 
Gulam ASGAR MITHA 
Rick STERLING 
Michael AVERKO 
Nafeez AHMED 
Fr. Andrey TKACHEV 
Iqbal ALIMOHAMED 
Sabtain Ahmed DAR 
Sylvain LAFOREST 
Grey CARTER
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