Russia’s security and foreign policy after the dissolution of the USSR is a part of a larger debate over Russia’s “national interest” and even over the Russian new identity. Since 1991, when her independence was formalized and internationally recognized, Russia has been searching for her national identity, state’s security and foreign policy.
With the newly created “NewsGuard” in mind, there’s a tendency in some circles to inaccurately color a given situation with broad unsubstantiated and bias driven claims, as has been true with the coverage of Russian related issues. Shortly after my initial draft of this article, University of Ottawa Professor Paul Robinson posted a piece […]
If Kiev continues its anti-Russian and pro-NATO/USA/EU’s political-military course, the joint republic of Luhansk and Donetsk regions (or more) will be declared as an independent state with a real possibility to join the Russian Federation as Crimea already did it in 2014.
Russia recognizes the reality that Rwanda is a military superpower in Central Africa and that it would surely play a decisive role in any forthcoming Congo War, which might also be why Lavrov was so eager to visit the country and find out what President Kagame discussed with Macron at the end of last month during a closed-door meeting in Paris that media reports suggested was about the developing Congo Crisis.
Rosneft’s controversial move indirectly introduced Russia to the simmering South China Sea dispute, but this might be a good thing because Moscow is known to favor international law and negotiations to any dispute instead of push its partners towards waging war in order to settle problems like the US-led Quad is prone to do.
Malaysia under the returned leadership of Prime Minister Mahathir is expected to remain multipolar, even if it changes the manner in which it has hitherto expressed this geostrategic vision by rebalancing its relations with China and the US.
France is seeking to sell the Eurafrican Axis to Europeans on the basis of it helping them engage in ‘controlled’ ‘replacement migration’ through the creation of a long-term ‘crisis management mechanism’, one which it hopes will also appeal to Africans because of its ‘developmental’ dimension even though the entire proposal is essentially a rebranding of Paris’ decades-old “Françafrique” policy of neo-colonialism.
The most probable outcome of next week’s Putin-Modi Summit is that the two Great Powers will successfully redefine their historic relationship in the present New Cold War context clarifying their positions & intentions on working with the other’s rival but ultimately agreeing to disagree on this.
The “Cold Peace” should be seen as a short-term tactical measure to help each of these Great Powers gain the perception (key word) of greater leverage over the US during the onset of Trump’s protectionist “trade war” than as a long-term strategic understanding paving the way for a “New Détente”.
Nowadays Nicaragua is the host of China’s planned Transoceanic Canal that’s meant to rival the Panamanian one but which has thus far sluggishly struggled to get off the ground, though like almost everything in contemporary International Relations, there’s also a Russian angle to it as well.
President Putin is wise enough to know that Pandora’s Box can never be closed once it’s opened and that the opportunity for preventing that from happening passed a long time ago, but even if he’s unable to stop the world from descending further into chaos, he knows that he at least has an obligation to warn about it so that the global public can know who’s responsible for everything that happens afterwards.
The hysterical hype about the supposedly imminent commencement of “World War III” and the nuclear apocalypse that people are being conditioned for manipulative reasons to expect right afterwards never came to pass, but all the same, there’s an unmistakable worldwide struggle going on for the future of International Relations.
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